Are there special negative non-finite forms?

Special negative non-finite forms are forms that can be considered as inherently negative. In such cases, the affixes cannot be analysed in a straightforward way as the respective affirmative marker + a negative marker. In Northern Khanty, for instance, there are two affirmative participles, the non-past participle in -ti and past participle in -m, and they are both negated by the form in -li (1).

(1) Northern Khanty (Nikolaeva 1999: 34; cited through Shagal 2018)
a. pe:jal-ti xo:s-li ńa:wre:m il su:wil-ǝ-ti pit-ǝ-s
swim-INF can-PTCP.NEG child down drown-EP-INF start-EP-PST.3SG
‘A child who could not swim started drowning.’

b. jo:nt-li je:rnas śuŋ-na xu:j-ǝ-l
sew-PTCP.NEG dress corner-LOC lie-EP-NONPST.3SG
‘A dress which someone did not finish sewing lies in the corner.’

The Finnish negative participle in -maton is diachronically -ma + nominal negator -ton (cf. asunto ‘apartment’ + -ton = asunnoton ‘the one without an apartment’), but it also has many idiosyncratic features, e.g. it can negate all participles (e.g. koskaan kuolematon rakkaus ‘the love that never dies’), including the agentive participle in -ma. Therefore, it can be regarded as a special negative non-finite form.

Coding. The value is '1' if a language has inherently negative non-finite forms as described above.

References
Shagal, Ksenia. 2018. Participial systems in Uralic languages: an overview. Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 9(1). 55–84. https://doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2018.9.1.03.

Note. This question was provided by Ksenia Shagal & Matti Miestamo.